Vietnam's position in the ancient and medieval South China Sea trade system.

The paper by Dr. Hoang Anh Tuan (lecturer in the Department of History, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi) was presented at3rd International Conference on Vietnamese Studies(Hanoi, December 2008) and published onJournal of Historical Studies, No. 9-10/2008, pp. 1-16.

Maritime history in general and maritime trade history in particular are not entirely new areas of research in our country, although achievements in this field have not been particularly outstanding.⁽¹⁾Meanwhile, studying specific aspects of national history from a maritime perspective is not yet a common approach. This method has certain advantages, allowing us to compare and position national history within the broader context of regional and international maritime history. However, it also requires caution from the author when defining the scope of research, especially in isolating certain specific concepts, particularly those related to nation and ethnic groups.⁽²⁾.

In some previous articles, when reviewing Vietnam's position in the regional maritime trade system during the ancient and medieval periods, I have been very careful in isolating and using certain terms such as "Vietnam/Dai Viet," "Vietnamese people," etc., in order to avoid interpretations that are inaccurate given the overall historical context of the Dai Viet nation and the region.⁽³⁾In general, specifically defining the meaning of certain concepts will help the author avoid excessive interpretations (either overly positive or overly negative) of Vietnam's position in the regional maritime trade system throughout history. From that perspective, this article continues to discuss Vietnam's position in the ancient and medieval South China Sea trade system, particularly the role of some key seaports of Dai Viet during the Ly, Tran, early Le, and Mac dynasties, under the influence of the transformation and shift of the regional and international maritime trade network.⁽⁴⁾.

Giao Chi/Giao Chau in the Gulf of Tonkin maritime trade system before the 10th century

Contrary to traditional historical views that tend to downplay the position of northern Vietnam in the regional maritime trade system during the ancient and medieval periods, recent studies, especially those by foreign Vietnamologists using early written Chinese documents, show that, in reality, Vietnamese territory held a more important position in the maritime trade routes in the South China Sea than we previously thought.

Archaeological findings at Neolithic sites after the Hoa Binh period (Soi Nhu, Cai Beo) and the late Neolithic period (Ngoc Vung, Ha Long) in recent decades have shown a relatively high and stable population density of ancient communities in the coastal areas of our country.⁽⁵⁾Not only did the ancient inhabitants engage in local exploitation and cultivation, but they also interacted and exchanged with other groups in southern China, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia, creating a relatively open social environment and a strong tradition of early interaction with the outside world.⁽⁶⁾.

After the Qin Dynasty (China) pacified the southern Vietnamese ethnic groups in 214 BC, northern Vietnam became part of Xiang County, one of the four counties (Min Zhong, Nan Hai, Gui Lin, and Xiang) established by the Qin Dynasty. After a short period of escaping Qin rule (208-179 BC), in 179 BC the Au Lac people were invaded by Nam Viet under Trieu Da, and by 111 BC northern Vietnam was incorporated under Han rule.⁽⁷⁾Early Chinese documents indicate that the primary objective of the Chinese dynasties' invasions of the south was to plunder the wealth of the rich Vietnamese people, especially tropical products such as rhinoceros horns, elephant tusks, pheasant feathers, and pearls, which could be traded with southern populations.⁽⁸⁾.

Early written Chinese sources simultaneously indicate that, during certain centuries under Chinese rule, Giao Chi (Vietnam) played a coordinating role for Chinese maritime trade in the South China Sea region; the Long Bien administrative center was once a hub of commercial activity, receiving delegations of foreign merchants coming to trade with China. These documents also provide concrete evidence of the existence of a regular trade route connecting Guangzhou with trading centers located in the northwestern Gulf of Tonkin.⁽⁹⁾Around the beginning of the Common Era, the two ports of Hepu and Xuwen, located on the northern slope of the Gulf of Tonkin – where pearl fishing and trading were highly developed – were recorded as the starting points for Chinese traders venturing southward along the coast. Not long after, these two trading ports gradually lost their central coordinating position, and southern merchants frequently visited the lower Red River Delta.⁽¹⁰⁾.

Northern Vietnam played a crucial role as a gateway for Chinese trade for at least the first three centuries after Christ. From the mid-3rd century AD, successive Vietnamese uprisings against Han Chinese rule broke out. The harsh policies and exploitation by Chinese governors not only negatively impacted internal trade but were also considered one of the causes of the Champa raids northward from the latter half of the 4th century, due to the disruption of traditional Champa trade routes through Giao Chi to China.⁽¹¹⁾After relations with Champa in the south were stabilized, a series of uprisings broke out repeatedly in the north of our country, negatively impacting trade conditions. As a consequence, foreign merchants shifted their trade routes, moving their ships further north to the Guangzhou area, where the political situation was stable and trading conditions were more favorable.⁽¹²⁾Although the situation in northern Vietnam later stabilized and foreign merchants occasionally visited for trade, the Northern Delta region seemed unable to regain its position in the regional maritime trade system as it had in previous centuries. At the same time, Guangzhou port continued to flourish and quickly became the main gateway for Chinese merchants to trade south. From the Sui Dynasty (589-618), Guangzhou port was not only the departure point for most Chinese merchant ships trading south, but foreign merchants also stayed and traded there.⁽¹³⁾The active maritime trade system of the Tang Dynasty in the 7th-10th centuries extending to Southeast Asia, as well as the dynamic activities of merchants from West, South, and Southeast Asia in southern China, contributed to curbing the resurgence of maritime trade in the northern coastal region of our country. Although trade activities were maintained, they were not at a truly high level.⁽¹⁴⁾.

10th century - mid-15th century

For a relatively long period, domestic researchers tended to maintain a rather negative view of Dai Viet's foreign trade after gaining independence in the 10th century. Conversely, foreign historians argue that the shift in the coordinating role of maritime trade from Giao Chi to southern Chinese ports in the latter half of the period of Chinese rule, as well as the Vietnamese independence in the 10th century, does not negate the position of northern Vietnam in the regional trade system, especially in the maritime trade route connecting China with southern trading regions.⁽¹⁵⁾These views are increasingly solidified on the basis of new research, contributing to the affirmation that the sea and maritime economy played a much more important role in the development of ancient and medieval Vietnamese history than previously thought.⁽¹⁶⁾.

The constants of water levels, sea levels, and the economic and cultural activities associated with these constants in the formation and development of Vietnamese history have long been the subject of research and analysis by scholars.⁽¹⁷⁾In 1986, based on an analysis of the formation and development of coastal trading centers (Van Don and Nghe An - Ha Tinh) during the Ly-Tran dynasties, American historian John Whitmore highlighted "the dynamic commercial role of the Vietnamese in the flourishing international trade of that time," and called on researchers to focus on clarifying issues such as "the social production foundation serving trade, the methods of organizing trade, and the social dynamism leading to surplus products...". He concluded that "the wealth obtained from trade certainly contributed significantly to establishing and consolidating political power and stimulating the local economy."⁽¹⁸⁾Whitmore's viewpoint was subsequently studied by later historians such as Momoki Shiro, Li Tana, Charles Wheeler, Nola Cooke, etc., and has now yielded clearer understandings (see the following sections for details).

Even the most rudimentary information in surviving historical records suggests that, after gaining independence in the 10th century, especially under the Ly Dynasty (11th-13th centuries), the court did not completely turn its back on commerce in general and foreign trade in particular. Based on a relatively developed handicraft industry, the Ly Dynasty took relatively active steps in foreign trade. According to books...The Comprehensive Mirror of the Gods (Chang Bian)According to Lý Đào, just two years after its establishment, in 1012, the Lý dynasty requested permission from the Song dynasty to open a trade route to Ung Châu via sea; the Song dynasty refused and only allowed Đại Việt merchants to trade in Guangzhou and some other locations in the border region.⁽¹⁹⁾In 1040, building upon a developed silk weaving industry, King Ly Thai Tong "taught the palace maids to weave brocade [and] issued a decree to distribute all the brocade from the Song Dynasty in the treasury to make clothes for the officials [...] to show that the king no longer used brocade from the Song Dynasty."⁽²⁰⁾In 1149, in response to merchant ships from Java, Luang Prabang, and Siam seeking refuge and trade in Hai Dong, the Ly dynasty "established a settlement on the island, called Van Don, to buy and sell valuable goods and offer local products as tribute."⁽²¹⁾In the southern region, trading centers in the Nghe An - Ha Tinh area also developed, attracting a large number of merchants from China and Southeast Asia to trade.⁽²²⁾Beyond its national significance in terms of economic development strategy, the establishment of Van Don by the Ly Dynasty held immense importance in terms of regional and international maritime trade, marking the entry of Dai Viet into the regional and international maritime trade system through the South China Sea, as evidenced by the following key aspects.

– Until the 15th century, international maritime trade routes connecting China with southern markets mainly passed through the Gulf of Tonkin; therefore, the northeastern coastal region of Vietnam held an extremely important position. In the records of merchants and sailors in the 10th-15th centuries, the sea stretching from southern China through the Gulf of Tonkin down to the Champa coast was famously known as Giao Chi Duong (Giao Chi Sea). In this bustling trading area, the main commodities were slaves, salt, and horses, which were regularly exchanged, and Dai Viet during the Ly Dynasty actively participated in the trading activities in the Giao Chi sea region.⁽²³⁾In isolating trade routes, scholar Li Tana argues that, within the broader context of regional and international trade around the late Tang dynasty (7th-10th centuries), Giao Chau in general and northern Vietnam in particular had an advantage in exchanging goods between the sea and inland regions, while Guangzhou and southern Chinese ports held a leading position in trading with merchant ships from Southeast Asia, West Asia, and South Asia.⁽²⁴⁾.

– Also from the Tang Dynasty, Muslim merchants and sailors played an important role in the maritime trade system in East Asia. Beyond the traditional Southeast Asian trading centers, Muslim merchants settled and traded at numerous ports in southern China, the Hainan Island region, and were noted for their active role in smaller trade routes in the Giao Chi Ocean region.⁽²⁵⁾In some major trading centers like Quanzhou (Fujian), prominent Hui families such as Pu Kai-zong and Pu Shou-geng were even appointed by the Song dynasty as commercial supervisors at Quanzhou port.⁽²⁶⁾Meanwhile, on Hainan Island, the Muslim community is so large that many Hui-hu villages have been established in the coastal areas of Hainan.⁽²⁷⁾Not only did the Hui trade hold a strong commercial position in southern Chinese ports, as traditionally believed, but it also actively participated in trade routes connecting the sea with inland areas, significantly contributing to the development of the trade network in the South China Sea during this period.⁽²⁸⁾.

– For Dai Viet from the late Tran and early Le dynasties, the role of Van Don trading port and the Northeast seaport region in the regional and international maritime trade system in the East Sea was well known through its function as a transit and export hub for ceramics. Besides its function as a transit point for Chinese ceramics to the regional market, Van Don was also known as a gateway for bringing Dai Viet ceramics (brown glaze during the Tran dynasty and blue glaze during the early Le dynasty) to the international market.⁽²⁹⁾From a broader perspective, the rise of Dai Viet ceramics on the international market at this time promptly met the high demand for commercial ceramics in West Asian markets (Persia, Egypt, Turkey, etc.) as well as regional Islamic markets such as the Philippines and Sulawesi.⁽³⁰⁾Vietnamese ceramics were also exported to regional markets until the latter half of the 16th century before declining due to both domestic reasons (political upheavals affecting the economy) and external influences (the Ming dynasty's abolition of the Maritime Prohibition policy in 1567 allowed Chinese ceramics to regain dominance in the international market).⁽³¹⁾.

– One of the most significant and almost constant factors influencing the “early era of Southeast Asian trade (900-1300),” as Geoff Wade suggested, was the highly proactive and assertive trade and economic policies of the Song and Yuan dynasties in China. Following the policy of prioritizing currency to develop trade adopted by the vassal states during the Five Dynasties period, under the Song dynasty, specific policies regarding currency, exchange rates, and taxation in transactions with foreigners were implemented to stimulate the expansion of foreign trade.⁽³²⁾Based on a comparison with the changes in regional maritime trade, especially Chinese maritime trade, many have argued that the Ly Dynasty's establishment of Van Don and its transformation of the Northeast region into a gateway for trade in Dai Viet was a quick and timely response, actively and systematically integrating Dai Viet into the international trade orbit in the Gulf of Tonkin region, which had flourished for centuries, particularly after the Song Dynasty's proactive foreign trade policies in the late 10th century.⁽³³⁾.

Mid-15th century - late 16th century

The overall state of Dai Viet's foreign trade, as well as the Van Don trading port and the northeastern coastal region in particular, from the last three decades of the 15th century to the end of the 16th century, has been a subject of much debate among researchers in recent years. The lack of information about the northeastern port region after 1467 in Vietnamese historical records has significantly hampered research and led to conclusions about the decline of foreign trade and the diminishing function of the Van Don trading port.⁽³⁴⁾Meanwhile, information from surveys, fieldwork, archaeological excavations, and research on commercial ceramics, combined with comparative historical methods, allows for a more positive inference about the Van Don trading port in particular and the Northeast coastal region in general within the regional maritime trade network. Scholar John Whitmore expressed his concern about "The disappearance of Van Don from the late 15th century," arguing that, from the perspective of the official policies of the early Le Dynasty, especially from the reign of Le Thanh Tong (1460-1497), the state clearly showed quite negative attitudes towards foreign trade and the existence of the Van Don trading port.⁽³⁵⁾“If we equate the flow of Southeast Asian ceramics with the Giao Chi Duong system and firmly believe that Van Don was a crucial link in this system during those decades [late 15th to early 16th centuries], then what happened? R. Brown once suggested the “Mac gap” in Vietnamese ceramics (and those of other countries) in the 16th century. This “Mac gap” seems to mark the end of the Giao Chi Duong system, the disappearance of Van Don, and the transition to a new system similar to Hoi An. How can we explain this?”⁽³⁶⁾

In fact, while the official history of Dai Viet implies a decline in the function and, more broadly, the decline of Van Don, the export of Dai Viet's commercial ceramics to international markets in the late 15th and early 16th centuries raises doubts about this hypothesis. Whitmore himself, although offering a view on the decline of Van Don and the possibility of Dai Viet losing its role in the regional and international trade system in the South China Sea from the late 15th century, still shows some hesitation when comparing it with information from the results of research on commercial ceramics excavated from shipwrecks in recent years. He wondered: “From this perspective [the economic development policy under the reign of Le Thanh Tong], we can infer that the stable and developing administration of Dai Viet in the 15th century certainly stimulated and supported handicraft production and the trade system [existed] as part of the Giao Chi Duong network. In fact, Van Don likely became a key point in this network in the last quarter of the 15th century as well as in the 16th century and replaced Thi Nai. I believe that as long as the bureaucratic structure [of the Le dynasty] continued to function well, domestic and foreign trade continued to run smoothly.”⁽³⁷⁾.

It can be said that determining the position of Dai Viet's trade within the regional maritime trade system of the South China Sea from after 1460 to the end of the 16th century has truly challenged researchers. The fact that the early Le Dynasty, especially from the Hong Duc era (1460-1497), had policies that were not proactive towards foreign trade and the Van Don port area as well as the entire Northeast region is true and clearly demonstrated in the historical records.National Penal Codecompiled during this period⁽³⁸⁾However, in a remote border region like Van Don, the existence of unofficial trade activities is undeniable; Vietnamese merchants and foreign traders certainly maintained exchanges at a certain level. Nevertheless, the less-than-open policies of the early Le dynasty undoubtedly had negative impacts on the development of Van Don in particular and the entire Northeast port region in general after the 1460s.

The development of handicrafts, as well as the Mạc dynasty's (1527-1592) open attitude towards commerce, significantly impacted domestic trade during this period. However, the issue of Đại Việt's foreign trade under the Mạc dynasty itself remains a subject of debate. While previously it was believed that the expansion of handicrafts (and domestic trade) coincided with the flourishing of Đại Việt's foreign trade during the Mạc dynasty, some recent researchers have expressed concerns, arguing that the structure of international maritime trade in the South China Sea changed dramatically in the early 16th century, greatly affecting Đại Việt's position on the region's traditional maritime trade routes. Among the many factors influencing regional maritime trade, I believe that at least three fundamental issues should be considered when studying Đại Việt's foreign trade in the 16th century, especially in the northeastern coastal region. Firstly, the Portuguese penetration into the East and the establishment of the East Asian trade network by the Portuguese Royal Company (Estado da India)⁽³⁹⁾This has gradually disrupted the North-South trade structure in the South China Sea and East China Sea regions.⁽⁴⁰⁾In particular, with the Portuguese penetration into southern China and the establishment of their trading base in Macao in the first half of the 16th century, trade in the coastal areas of southern China and northeastern Vietnam was significantly impacted, if not diminished, by the strong allure of Portuguese settlement and trade in Macao.⁽⁴¹⁾.

Secondly, Chinese merchants, especially those from Fujian, opened and increasingly developed the South China-Philippines-Southeast Asia maritime trade route from the late 14th to early 15th centuries.⁽⁴²⁾This has had a significant impact on the location of our country's coastal ports. After the Spanish arrived and began trading in the Philippines, bringing with them a large amount of silver from the New World each year, the number of Chinese merchants coming here to trade increased steadily. As a consequence, while the eastern sea route (Dongyun hangluThe Chinese trade route to Southeast Asia is increasingly developing, with the traditional western route along the Vietnamese coast.Xiyang hanglu) is increasingly losing its position.⁽⁴³⁾In that context, the loss of the advantageous position of the Northeast region in particular, and much of the coastal area of ​​Dai Viet in general, within the overall regional trade system is understandable.

Thirdly, the international ceramics trade network underwent significant changes from the mid-16th century onwards, having a considerable impact on Dai Viet. While the Ming Dynasty's maritime ban policy in the 14th and 15th centuries greatly facilitated the development and dominance of Southeast Asian ceramics (Dai Viet's brown-glazed and Chu Dau ceramics, Champa's Go Sanh ceramics, Siam's Sawankhalok ceramics, etc.) in regional and international trade, the abolition of the Ming's closed-door policy in 1567 simultaneously marked the end of the Southeast Asian ceramics trade era after Chinese ceramics returned to dominate the market.⁽⁴⁴⁾In this context, the fact that Đại Việt ceramics in the late Mạc dynasty, although still developing, no longer dominated the foreign market created a "Mac gap" in international ceramics trade, as described by Roxanna M. Brown.⁽⁴⁵⁾These concerns are understandable from the perspective of regional and international ceramics trade.

Besides the three external factors presented above, the continuous changes in the political system of Dai Viet from the early decades of the 16th century can be considered an internal factor that directly impacted Dai Viet's position, especially the seaports in the Northeast region, within the East Sea trade system of this period. After ascending the throne in 1527, Mac Dang Dung (and subsequent kings of the Mac dynasty) always advocated developing his hometown of Duong Kinh (Hai Phong) into a second political center after Thang Long, while simultaneously transforming it into a gateway for Dai Viet's trade with the outside world.⁽⁴⁶⁾This strategy of the Mac dynasty clearly deprived Van Don and the northeastern coastal region of a significant portion of its commercial advantages, despite the Mac dynasty maintaining a relatively open view on trade. From the late 16th to early 17th centuries, with the transfer of power from the Mac dynasty to the Le-Trinh court, the main trading gateway of Dai Viet continued to shift: from Duong Kinh to the Thai Binh river mouth. Thus, within approximately one hundred years under the Mac and Le-Trinh dynasties, the main trading gateway of Dai Viet continuously shifted southward: from Van Don (12th-16th centuries) through Duong Kinh (16th century) to the Thai Binh river mouth (17th century - approximately 19th century).

It is worth noting that, while the Duong Kinh period was still in a transitional phase of regional maritime trade (the 16th century, when Westerners began to penetrate), the rise of the Thai Binh estuary region marked a new era of East Asian maritime trade. From the 17th century, traditional maritime trade routes in the South China Sea and East Sea, previously operated by Asian merchants (China, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and West Asia), were gradually taken over by Westerners (the Netherlands, England, France, Portugal, etc.). Not only the structure of regional maritime trade but also the content (or nature) of the trade flows was transformed to suit the new context.⁽⁴⁷⁾In the new era of East Asian regional trade, the Đại Việt nation (both the Southern and Northern regions) held important positions and, during certain periods, became irreplaceable links in the chain.⁽⁴⁸⁾In Northern Vietnam, it is undeniable that during the 17th and part of the 18th centuries, the vast majority of foreign merchant ships trading with Northern Vietnam entered through the Thai Binh River estuary and stayed at Domea (Tien Lang), while import and export activities mainly took place in the capital Thang Long.⁽⁴⁹⁾The concentration of the vast majority of foreign merchants and trading ships in Tien Lang during the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as the rise of Duong Kinh in the 16th century, as a consequence, significantly diminished, in official terms, the position and role of Van Don in particular and the Northeast port region in general.

However, it should be added that the shift of trading gateways to the Duong Kinh region (16th century) and the Thai Binh River estuary (17th-18th centuries) does not mean the "disappearance" or "complete decline" of Van Don and the northeastern coastal region, as some researchers have believed. With its location adjacent to the bustling commercial area in southeastern China, Van Don and the northeastern coastal region – although no longer the main trading gateway of Dai Viet as in the Ly and Tran dynasties – still played a significant commercial role. The efforts of the Dutch and British in their strategy of building trading centers in the northeastern border region in the latter half of the 17th century show that this area still held an important position in trade with China through large trading centers (silver trading centers) along the border.⁽⁵⁰⁾However, the biggest obstacle to the development of the Northeast region from the latter half of the 17th century was the problem of piracy and political instability in southern and southeastern China after the Ming-Qing upheaval of 1644. After the fall of the Ming dynasty, many pirate groups as well as "anti-Qing, pro-Ming" forces often chose southern China, partly bordering the Sino-Vietnamese border, as a base to plunder foreign merchant ships trading with the North via the northern Gulf of Tonkin and the Leizhou Peninsula.⁽⁵¹⁾The Le-Trinh dynasty therefore tightened its control over the Northeast region for much of the 17th century, preventing the area's commercial potential from developing as it had in previous centuries.

Some comments

As one of the most dynamic maritime trading regions in the world during the ancient, medieval, and early modern periods, the Gulf of Tonkin in particular and the South China Sea in general were destinations for many foreign merchants and trading ships. During the ancient and medieval periods, Asian merchants (from China, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and West Asia) converged here to trade, transforming the area into a vibrant maritime trading hub. Coastal ports in Vietnam (Van Don in the Northeast; Thanh-Nghe-Tinh in the North Central region; Vijaya of the Cham people in the South Central region, etc.) also developed as a result. With the influx of Europeans into East Asia in the early 16th century, the traditional maritime trading structure in the South China Sea gradually broke down, replaced by a new structure heavily influenced by Western commercial and maritime powers.

Corresponding to the main stages of development of regional and international trade through the South China Sea, Dai Viet, through its seaports and coastal trading centers, demonstrated different levels of participation and played different roles. From a historical and systemic perspective, Dai Viet's participation and adaptation within the South China Sea trade system is clearly shown through the process of self-adjustment of its trade gateways: a gradual shift southward to integrate with the changes in regional maritime trade. While during the Ly, Tran, and early Le dynasties (11th - late 15th centuries), Van Don and the northeastern coastal region were the main gateways of Dai Viet, in the 16th century Duong Kinh (Hai Phong) became a crucial trading hub for the Mac dynasty. This shift continued in the 17th century with the emergence of the Thai Binh estuary (Tien Lang, Hai Phong) as the main trading gateway of Dai Viet during the Le-Trinh period.

While the aforementioned shifts in nature only reflect historical reality, an analysis of the content of these historical changes, especially an analysis of the internal and external factors affecting them, will provide profound insights into the fundamental and structural changes in these historical phenomena. As analyzed, by the first half of the 16th century, ceramics were considered the main export commodity of Dai Viet, so Van Don and the Northeast region – quite close to the Chu Dau ceramics center (Hai Duong) – had a favorable location for transportation and export. Furthermore, Van Don's strategic location at the gateway to the Gulf of Tonkin – the center of slave, salt, and horse trade in the Giao Chi Ocean region – attracted numerous merchants from Southeast Asia, South Asia, and West Asia. From the 16th century onwards, not only did Asian merchants gradually lose their position in the South China Sea to Westerners, but the structure of trade also shifted from ceramics to silk – a popular product of the Red River Delta, especially the famous silk villages along the Red River, the capital area, and surrounding areas of Thang Long. Even when ceramics from the Northern region were exported in large quantities to Southeast Asia by foreigners...