1. Developing the revolutionary theory of national liberation along the proletarian line and the method of national uprising.
Under French colonial rule, Vietnamese society was plagued by numerous intertwined contradictions, but the fundamental and primary contradiction was between the Vietnamese people and the French colonial invaders and their reactionary collaborators. The more the domination, oppression, and exploitation intensified, the deeper this contradiction became, and the resistance and struggle for national survival grew, becoming more intense, diverse in content and form. Meanwhile, conflicts of interest between classes within the nation were minimized, and the class struggle was not as fierce as the struggle against the nation's enemies. Recognizing this reality, from the 1920s onwards, Ho Chi Minh creatively applied and developed the theory of proletarian revolution in Vietnam, building a theory of national liberation revolution and disseminating it among the people. In his work...Revolutionary PathThe person who distinguished between the two types of revolutions (revolutionary classandrevolutionary nation), and at the same time defined the nature and tasks of the Vietnamese revolution in the immediate period as "national revolution".
first political programThe Party's guidelines, drafted by Nguyen Ai Quoc, strongly emphasized the task of fighting imperialism in both political and economic aspects: "overthrowing French imperialism and feudalism, making Vietnam completely independent, establishing a worker-peasant-soldier government and organizing a worker-peasant army"; "confiscating all major enterprises of the imperialists and handing them over to the worker-peasant-soldier government"; "confiscating the land of the imperialists to make it public property and distributing it to poor farmers".
Applying Karl Marx's "dialectical method of work," Ho Chi Minh analyzed the social realities of colonial Vietnam, not considering the essence of the colonial national question to be the peasant question, nor viewing land as the primary aspiration of Vietnamese peasants during the colonial period. He emphasized the objective requirement of revolutionary history in the colonies: to achieve independence and freedom for the entire nation, primarily for the peasants.
In the process of applying Marxist-Leninist theory to the practical realities of the Vietnamese revolution, dogmatic tendencies emerged, leading to criticism of Ho Chi Minh's revolutionary theory of national liberation and its severe trials in the first half of the 1930s. However, he and the Central Committee of the Party persevered and skillfully overcame these challenges.
In May 1941, Ho Chi Minh chaired the 8th Conference of the Central Executive Committee of the Party. Based on an analysis of the international and domestic situation, and an analysis of the political attitudes of the classes and strata in Vietnamese society, the Conference clearly stated that under the double oppression of Japan and France, "the interests of all classes were being plundered, and the fate of the nation was in greater danger than ever before." French colonialism and Japanese militarism were not only enemies of the workers and peasants, but common enemies of the entire nation.
The conference decided: "A change in strategy is necessary," and clarified: "The current revolution in Indochina is not a bourgeois democratic revolution, a revolution that must solve two problems: anti-imperialism and agrarianism, but a revolution that must only solve one urgent problem: national liberation." The conference analyzed: "At this time, the interests of any group or class must be subordinated to the life and death, the survival of the nation and the people. At this time, if we cannot solve the problem of national liberation, if we cannot demand independence and freedom for the entire nation, then not only will the entire nation continue to suffer the fate of beasts of burden, but the interests of any group or class will never be reclaimed, even after thousands of years." Therefore, the slogan "overthrow the landlords, distribute land to the peasants" must be temporarily set aside. The rights of farmers were addressed to an appropriate extent by implementing the following slogans: confiscating land from imperialists and traitors and distributing it to poor farmers, redistributing public land, reducing rent, and reducing interest rates.
The conference advocated resolving the national question within the framework of each country in Indochina, aiming to implement a policy of "national self-determination." "The peoples living in Indochina will, according to their will, organize themselves into democratic republics or stand separately as independent nation-states." "The freedom and independence of the peoples will be recognized and respected."[1]This approach effectively harnesses the strength of each nation in its struggle for self-liberation, shatters the enemy's distorted narratives on the national question, and simultaneously creates conditions for the unity of the three nations of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the struggle against a common enemy.
Ho Chi Minh placed great importance on the method of national uprising. He advocated for a nationwide uprising, a people's revolt; regardless of age, gender, or social standing, all were to participate in the revolution. The Eighth Conference of the Central Executive Committee of the Party (May 1941) put forward the policy of armed uprising, emphasizing that preparing for armed uprising was the central task of the entire Party and the entire Vietnamese people during the direct stage of the national salvation movement. The conference resolution clearly stated: "We must always prepare a ready force, aiming to strike back at the most opportune moment…". Under certain circumstances, "with the available forces, we can lead a partial uprising in each locality, and we can also achieve victory to pave the way for a great general uprising."[2].
Ho Chi Minh's policy of raising the banner of national liberation and his views on national uprising were preparations in terms of strategy and methods for achieving victory in the August 1945 Revolution.
2. Establishing the Viet Minh Front, strengthening national unity and preparing political forces.
The law of movement is self-reliance. The liberation of oppressed nations cannot passively wait for external help, but must first rely on the internal strength of each nation.Declaration of the Colonial Union(1921) drafted by Ho Chi Minh clearly states: "Applying the formula of Karl Marx, we would like to tell you that the liberation of you can only be achieved through your own efforts."[3].
To have a chance of success, an armed uprising in Indochina "must have the character of a mass uprising, not a rebellion. The uprising must be prepared among the masses."[4]He assessed the strength of an armed population as an absolute advantage in defeating any invading enemy. In the work...Revolutionary pathHe argued that "revolution is the common cause of all the people," and that the forces of the national liberation revolution encompassed the entire nation: "the revolutionary nation is not divided into classes, meaning that scholars, farmers, workers, and merchants are all united in resisting tyranny," in which "workers and peasants are the foundation of the revolution," the "masters of the revolution," while "students, small merchants, small landowners... are revolutionary allies."
first political programThe Party's policy advocates for uniting the entire nation, including workers, farmers, petty bourgeoisie, intellectuals, and middle peasants; winning over or remaining neutral towards wealthy farmers, middle and small landowners, and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie...; reflecting Ho Chi Minh's ideology of national unity.
To advance towards the revolutionary uprising to seize power, building political forces was President Ho Chi Minh's top priority. This served both as the foundation for building armed forces and revolutionary base areas, and as the force directly engaged in struggle through various forms, from low to high levels. The political force was a large revolutionary army, comprising all enlightened and organized masses. "To have an armed army, we must first have a propaganda and mobilization army, a political army; therefore, we must do this immediately, so that the political army grows larger and larger. We must have politically enlightened masses who voluntarily take up arms in order to win."[5].
Upon his return to Vietnam (early 1941), Ho Chi Minh directed the establishment of a pilot Viet Minh front in Cao Bang to gain experience for the nationwide movement. The Eighth Conference of the Central Executive Committee of the Party (May 1941) advocated the application of "a method of extremely heartfelt mobilization, aiming to awaken the long-standing national spirit in the people." Therefore, the front "could no longer be called the Indochinese anti-indochinese national unity front as before, but had to be renamed something more nationalistic," namely the Vietnam Independence League (abbreviated as Viet Minh). All organizations within the Viet Minh bore this name.national salvationThe aim was to unite all patriotic Vietnamese people. "When organizing a national salvation organization, the essential thing is not that the members must understand communism, but rather that they have a patriotic spirit and want to fight for national salvation."[6]In the letterGreetings to our fellow citizens(June 6, 1941), Ho Chi Minh wrote: “Currently, to fight the French and the Japanese, we only need one thing:
National unity"
"At this time"The interests of national liberation are paramount."We must unite to overthrow the imperialists and the Vietnamese traitors in order to save our nation from this perilous situation." "The task of saving the nation is a shared responsibility. Every Vietnamese person must shoulder a part of the burden: those with money contribute money, those with possessions contribute possessions, and those with talent contribute their talents."[7].
Ho Chi Minh called on the masses to join the Viet Minh in order to:
"We are determined to do this for our country,"
"The flag of independence is flown, the foundation is built on equality."[8].
WriteGuerrilla Song(1942), He called on all, young and old, men and women, soldiers and civilians, to participate in fighting the enemy. In the Establishment DirectiveVietnam Liberation Army Propaganda Team(December 22, 1944) He affirmed: our resistance war is a warpeople's resistance, RightMobilize the entire population, arm the entire population.An armed uprising is not a purely military struggle. In the work...The path to liberationHe argued that armed uprising is when the people rise up with weapons to drive out foreign invaders. It is a massive political and military struggle, a crucial undertaking; if done correctly, it will succeed, if done incorrectly, it will fail.
The Viet Minh was a great national unity bloc of Vietnam, bringing together a large number of patriotic people from all walks of life, political parties, and religions. It served to highly isolate the imperialist enemy and their collaborators, directing the spearhead of the struggle against them. It was the place for organizing, enlightening, and training political forces for the revolution—a fundamental and decisive force in the general uprising to seize power.
3. Gradually guide the building of armed forces and revolutionary base areas.
Even during the period of campaigning for the establishment of the Party, Ho Chi Minh paid great attention to training military cadres, researching military theory, and laying the foundation for the birth of the revolutionary armed forces of Vietnam.
As an internationalist, Ho Chi Minh studied military issues in many countries around the world, selectively absorbing the positive and relevant aspects of global military wisdom. He studied the Chinese military and took notes on it.Basic understanding of military affairsHe was also interested in researching and disseminating experiences in organizing, building, and operating armed forces at the grassroots level. During the years 1941-1944, he wrote...Chinese guerrilla warfare experience, French guerrilla warfare experience, Russian guerrilla warfare experienceThe ancient Eastern military legacies were distilled by people through translation.Sun Tzu's Art of War(1943)The magic of becoming a general. by Zhuge LiangIn particular, he compiled numerous training materials for military officers, most notably:Guerrilla tactics.
A revolution needs a foothold to address the issue of potential. According to Ho Chi Minh, a revolution must have a foothold, and the most solid foothold is the people's support. He paid great attention to the factors of human harmony and geographical advantage. In 1940, while still in Guilin, Ho Chi Minh considered establishing a base in Cao Bang, then expanding to Thai Nguyen. In early 1941, upon returning to Vietnam, he chose Cao Bang as his first base because it had "a strong pre-existing movement," "a protective mass barrier," and a strategically important location, "allowing for attack when advancing and defense when retreating." However, he also stated that the revolution needed to expand southward from Cao Bang for victory. During the anti-Japanese resistance period, when the liberated zone in Viet Bac expanded to include the provinces of Cao Bang, Bac Can, Lang Son, Ha Giang, Tuyen Quang, and Thai Nguyen, Ho Chi Minh instructed the establishment of a revolutionary base.Liberation Zoneand consolidate it into a revolutionary base for the entire country.
Based on the strong political forces developing in Cao Bang, self-defense and national salvation teams were formed. At the end of 1941, he instructed the formation of a small armed team of 12 soldiers, tasked with: protecting the central government, maintaining communication lines, and training self-defense and national salvation teams.
At the end of 1944, he left.Directive on the establishment of the Vietnam Liberation Propaganda ArmyThis defined the organizational principles, operational methods, and combat strategies of the armed forces. It was the Party's first military program. In compliance with this directive, on December 22, 1944, in the Tran Hung Dao forest, the Vietnam Propaganda and Liberation Army was established, initially with 34 soldiers, commanded by Vo Nguyen Giap. Three days later, the team won two consecutive battles at Phai Khat and Na Ngan. It was the "elder brother" of the army. "Although its scale was small at first, its future was very glorious. It was the starting point of the liberation army; it could travel from South to North, throughout the entire country of Vietnam."[9].
Implementing Ho Chi Minh's ideology of arming the revolutionary masses and building a people's army,Vietnam Propaganda Liberation Army and National Salvation Armyagreed uponVietnam Liberation Army(5-1945), at the same time, paramilitary forces including guerrilla units, self-defense units and combat self-defense units were built up increasingly widely in localities and bases.
The process of preparing forces is a process combining organization and struggle, through struggle to train forces and strengthen organization. Revolutionary violence is the violence of the masses. Political and armed forces are both the foundation of revolutionary violence, the conditions for combining political struggle with armed struggle in a nationwide general uprising, creating overwhelming power to dismantle the imperialist and puppet regime's apparatus and establish a revolutionary government.
4. Proactively assess opportunities and resolutely seize the right moment, launching a nationwide uprising and general insurrection to seize power.
To successfully launch an uprising, both subjective and objective conditions must be met, and it must occur at the right time. Along with meticulous preparation of forces, Ho Chi Minh and the Central Committee of the Party placed great importance on the revolutionary opportune moment. While in Guilin, China (November 1940), upon hearing news of the Southern Uprising, he said: "The general situation in the world is increasingly favorable to us, but the time has not yet come; we cannot launch an uprising. But now that the uprising has broken out, we need to withdraw skillfully to maintain the movement." As a master of building momentum, establishing a favorable position, and seizing the opportune moment, Ho Chi Minh deeply understood the importance of timing. In his poem "Learning to Play Chess," he wrote: "When the time is right, one pawn can succeed."[10].
The Eighth Conference of the Central Executive Committee of the Party (May 1941) affirmed: "The Indochinese Revolution must conclude with an armed uprising." We must "always prepare a ready force, aiming to strike back at the most opportune moment."[11].
Applying Lenin's thesis on revolutionary situations, in the work...The path to liberationCompiled under the direction of Ho Chi Minh, it outlines three conditions for the opportune moment for an uprising:
First isThe colonial imperialist regime was shaken to its core and utterly bewildered; they felt they could no longer sit idly by and hold onto their position as before.
SecondThe starving masses, consumed by hatred for colonial imperialism, felt the need to unite and rise up to overthrow the yoke of colonial rule, because everyone understood that remaining passive would also lead to death.
Third isThere was a revolutionary political party capable of organizing and leading the masses to rise up in rebellion according to a correct line and a suitable plan, ensuring the success of the uprising.
The Eighth Conference of the Central Committee of the Party clearly stated that in order to instigate an armed uprising, the following subjective conditions must be met:
“1) The National Salvation Front has unified the entire nation.
2) The people could no longer live under French and Japanese rule and were ready to make sacrifices and embark on the path of rebellion.
3) The ruling faction in Indochina had entered a general crisis of extreme severity in economic, political, and military terms.
4) Favorable objective conditions for the Indochinese uprising included the great victory of the Chinese army over the Japanese army, the French Revolution or the Japanese Revolution, the great victory of the democratic forces in the Pacific, the great victory of the Soviet Union, the vigorous revolutions in the French and Japanese colonies, and especially the influx of Chinese or British-American troops into Indochina.[12].
In June 1941, in a letterGreetings to our fellow citizensHo Chi Minh pointed out that one of the reasons for the failure of previous uprisings was because...The opportunity is not yet ripe.In the autumn of 1944, he instructed that the uprising in Cao Bang, Bac Giang, and Lang Son be postponed because the whole country was not yet ready to respond, and the enemy could concentrate its forces to suppress the uprising in one locality.
The Party and Ho Chi Minh always proactively anticipated opportunities. Accurately assessing the trends of the times, in October 1944, Ho Chi Minh sent a letter to the people nationwide, stating: “The aggressors are nearing their defeat. The Allied nations are about to achieve final victory. The opportunity for our nation's liberation is only within a year or a year and a half. Time is of the essence. We must act quickly!”[13].
When World War II ended, the Japanese government surrendered unconditionally to the Allies; the Japanese command structure in Indochina was extremely divided; Japanese troops were demoralized and disorganized; and pro-Japanese Vietnamese collaborators were terrified. "The conditions for an uprising in Indochina were ripe." "A very good opportunity for us to gain independence had arrived."
However, this opportunity would not last forever. It would disappear when the Allied forces entered Indochina to disarm the Japanese army. With their colonial and imperialistic nature, they could establish a government contrary to the will and aspirations of the Vietnamese people. The French Empire was poised to restore its former position in Indochina. Reactionary forces within the country were seeking to change masters. The revolutionary opportunity only existed during the period from the surrender of the Japanese militarists to the Allies until the Allied forces entered Indochina. That was when the old enemy had fallen, but the new enemy had not yet arrived; it was the time when the balance of power was most favorable to the revolution.
On August 16, 1945, Ho Chi Minh appealed: "The decisive moment for the destiny of our nation has arrived. All compatriots throughout the country, rise up and use your strength to liberate yourselves… We cannot delay."[14]With a resolute spirit of seizing the opportunity, he instructed: "Now the opportune moment has arrived. No matter what sacrifices are required, even if we have to burn down the entire Truong Son mountain range, we must resolutely fight to win freedom and independence." With foresight and vision, he clearly stated: "We must seize power and stand in the position of masters of our country to welcome the Allied forces to disarm the Japanese army."
Under the leadership of the Party and Ho Chi Minh, the entire Vietnamese nation rose up in unison, both in cities and rural areas. The Vietnamese Revolution reached a great leap forward: rapidly transitioning from partial uprisings during the anti-Japanese national salvation movement to a general uprising to seize power throughout the country.
Thanks to meticulous preparation and the opportune timing, the August Revolution achieved a swift, decisive, and relatively bloodless victory. It is a prime example of the art of creating opportunities, anticipating opportunities, accurately assessing opportunities, and resolutely seizing those opportunities to launch a nationwide uprising to seize power.
5. Establishing a democratic republican political system and giving birth to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
In the workRevolutionary PathHo Chi Minh clearly stated: "Since we have sacrificed ourselves for the revolution, we should see it through to the end, meaning that after the revolution, power should be handed over to the majority of the people, not left in the hands of a few. Only then will we avoid repeated sacrifices, and only then will the people be happy."[15].
Ho Chi Minh was very interested in examining the models of state and political institutions in the United States, France, and the Soviet Union.Brief Political ProgramHe advocated for the establishment of a worker-peasant-soldier government. This was a state government of the vast majority of oppressed working people rising up to gain independence and freedom. However, in 1941, he advocated replacing the worker-peasant government with a democratic republic to suit the nature and forces of the revolution in the colony. "The revolutionary government of this new democratic country does not belong exclusively to any one class, but to the entire nation, except for the lackeys of French and Japanese imperialism and traitors, the enemies, who are not allowed to hold power. Everyone living on the land of Vietnam has a part in holding power, and must have a part in maintaining and protecting that power."[16]While propagating the idea that "We should not talk about overthrowing the feudal Southern Dynasty and confiscating the landlords' land, but rather about eliminating Vietnamese traitors and collaborators..., we should not talk about worker-peasant alliance and establishing a Soviet government, but rather about..."The entire people united and established a democratic republican government.”[17]"After driving out the French and Japanese imperialists, a people's government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam will be established... That government will be elected by the National Congress."[18].
As the opportunity for the liberation of the Vietnamese nation drew near, inLetter to the people nationwide(October 1944), Ho Chi Minh said: First of all, there needs to be a government representing the sincerity and unanimous action of the entire nation, elected by all revolutionary parties and patriotic organizations in the country. “Only such a structure has enough strength and prestige to lead the work of national salvation and nation-building internally, and to engage in relations with friendly nations externally.”[19].
The transition from a worker-peasant-soldier state model to a state representing national unity was a wise decision by Ho Chi Minh, reflecting the unique characteristics of the struggle for national independence in colonial Vietnam with its heavy feudal remnants, and aligning with the strategic and tactical changes of the revolution during the period of direct national salvation mobilization.
With the aim of establishing a democratic republic, the Party and Ho Chi Minh did not consider the Nguyen dynasty in general, and Emperor Bao Dai in particular, as enemies of the revolution, even though they did not oppose the French, existing on the basis of surrender and thanks to the patronage of the French colonialists. When Japan overthrew the French (March 9, 1945), Bao Dai harbored the illusion of "gaining independence" by forming the Tran Trong Kim cabinet, gathering a number of patriotic intellectuals.[20]but there was no action taken against the Japanese militarists.
When World War II ended, the Japanese government surrendered to the Allies. The National Congress, meeting in Tan Trao (August 16 and 17, 1945), elected the Vietnam National Liberation Committee, chaired by Ho Chi Minh, "to lead the entire nation in a resolute struggle for national independence."[21].
The August Revolution of 1945 was successful. The Japanese government and its collaborators were crushed. The remnants of the autocratic monarchy maintained by the French colonialists in Vietnam were abolished by Emperor Bao Dai's abdication declaration.[22]"The revolutionary government was most gloriously recognized and legitimized by the enthusiastic participation of the entire Vietnamese people."[23].
Following President Ho Chi Minh's proposal after his return to Hanoi (August 25, 1945), the Vietnam National Liberation Committee reorganized itself into...Provisional GovernmentThe Democratic Republic of Vietnam, with 15 members and Ho Chi Minh as President, was declared by the Provisional Government (August 28, 1945) with the slogan "All people unite! Strive for complete independence!". It was "truly a unified national government bearing the responsibility of guiding the entire nation, awaiting the day when the National Assembly can be convened to elect a formal Democratic Republic Government."[24].
On September 2, 1945, Independence Day was solemnly celebrated at Ba Dinh Square. The Provisional Government was introduced to the nation. On behalf of the Provisional Government, Ho Chi Minh read...Declaration of IndependenceHe gave birth to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, a state of the nation, by the nation, and for the nation. He affirmed:
“The Vietnamese nation has the right to freedom and independence, and in fact has become a free and independent nation. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to dedicate all their spirit and strength, lives and property, to upholding that right to freedom and independence.”[25].
As the soul of the August Revolution of 1945, the architect of the democratic republic political system of Vietnam, and then continuing alongside the entire nation in the tenacious resistance against French colonialism (1945-1954) with the spirit of "Rather sacrifice everything than lose the country, rather die than be enslaved," and the resistance against American imperialism (1954-1975) with the determination that "Nothing is more precious than independence and freedom," President Ho Chi Minh is an outstanding symbol of the determination of an entire nation, who dedicated his whole life to the cause of national liberation of the Vietnamese people, contributing to the common struggle of nations for peace, national independence, democracy, and social progress.[26].
[1] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2000, p. 113
[2] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2000, pp. 112-132.
[3] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 2, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, p. 137.
[4] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 1, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, p. 520.
[5] Vu Anh:Memoirs of President Ho Chi Minh, Literature Publishing House, Hanoi, 1960, p. 120.
[6] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., pp. 124-125.
[7] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, p. 230.
[8] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 242
[9] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 508.
[10] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 324.
[11] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 131.
[12] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 130.
[13] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 130.
[14] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 596.
[15] Ho Chi Minh:Complete works,Vol. 2, op. cit., p. 292.
[16] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 114.
[17] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 127.
[18] Communist Party of Vietnam:Complete Collection of Party Documents, Vol. 7, op. cit., p. 150.
[19] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 537.
[20] After the Japanese coup overthrew the French in Indochina (March 9, 1945), King Bao Dai invited Tran Trong Kim - an intellectual without political affiliation, a former education administrator and historian, who, although patriotic, was not yet a revolutionary. King Bao Dai once said to Tran Trong Kim: "Previously, our people were not independent, now we have the opportunity, although not completely independent, we must show that we have the qualifications to be independent. If there is no government, the Japanese will say we are powerless, and they will establish a military system of rule which is very harmful to our country...". See: Tran Trong Kim:A gust of dust,Vinh Son Publishing House, 1969, Saigon, p. 51.
[21] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 3, op. cit., p. 595.
[22] Amidst the revolutionary fervor of the masses in the August days, the Commissioner of Northern Vietnam, Phan Ke Toai, resigned. Many intellectuals in the cabinet established by Bao Dai showed their support for the Viet Minh, respecting and admiring Ho Chi Minh. The Viet Minh Front not only did not arrest or take revenge on anyone in the Tran Trong Kim government but also attracted a number of ministers to join the later Coalition Government. With their patriotic nature and the trust of Ho Chi Minh, many intellectuals at that time continued to contribute their talents and strength to the people and the country, notably Hoang Dao Thuy, Ta Quang Buu, Pham Ngoc Thach…
[23]The Condemnation of French Colonialism in Vietnam, Labor Publishing House, Hanoi, 1977, p. 102.
[24]Official Gazette of the Republic of VietnamSeptember 29, 1945.
[25] Ho Chi Minh:Complete Collection, Vol. 4, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, p. 3.
[26]UNESCO Resolution,International ConferencePresident Ho Chi Minh, national liberation hero and great cultural figure., Social Sciences Publishing House, Hanoi, 1990, p. 5.
Author:Assoc. Prof. Dr. Vu Quang Hien
Newer news
Older news