Nearly two hundred years have passed since To Nhu's death. Among Vietnamese literary authors, he is undoubtedly the most frequently chosen to be considered a leading figure. It's no surprise that more has been written about him than any other Vietnamese author. It seems that no aspect of his biography and works remains unexplored. As time goes on, the commemorative ceremonies, seminars, and conferences honoring him become more frequent, but also risk becoming monotonous, because as such occasions approach, those in positions of responsibility ask themselves: "What should we write, what should we say now? What more should we write, what more should we say?" Over the past two hundred years, many milestones have been marked, making research on him a challenging task for even the greatest writers.
From a historical and cultural perspective, this article attempts to revisit some old issues, including those already addressed by veteran researchers from previous generations. Specifically, the article will raise and discuss the following three issues:
Firstly, the issue of Nguyen Du's political stance.
Secondly, Nguyễn Du's true attitude towards the officialdom of the time and his own career path.
Thirdly, Nguyen Du's approach to contemporary religions and beliefs.
From all three perspectives, in our observation, there are still differing opinions and interpretations, and "principled" differences that need to be discussed in order to reach a minimum level of consensus, firstly within academic circles, and then in popular, accessible discourses (textbooks, newspapers, reviews, etc.).
1. To delve deeper into Nguyen Du's attitude and behavior towards contemporary political forces - the story of "the indifferent state of mind of a loyal subject".
In just 56 years of his life, Nguyen Du witnessed not just "one time," but "several times" of "changes in the country."
For Nguyen Du, the first major political event he witnessed that immediately affected his fate was not the collapse of the Le dynasty, but the downfall of the Trinh Lord's dynasty. It's important to clarify that for the Nguyen Tien Dien family, the Lord's palace, not the Le "court," was the place of deep connection. Nguyen Nghiem (1708-1775), Nguyen Du's father, initiated the family's scholarly tradition, passing the Second Class Doctoral Examination (Hoang Giap) at the age of 24 (1731). Following Nguyen Nghiem's career path, it's easy to see that for the first 15 years, he was a true "court official." But in 1746, having just been promoted to the rank of Right Deputy Minister of Public Works, with the title of Xuan Linh Marquis, he caught the Lord's eye and was specially promoted to the rank of Deputy Minister. Those who study the history of the dual-headed system during the Le-Trinh period know that, during the nearly two hundred years of the Lord's rule, the power structure of the court was clearly divided into two distinct branches: the government and the royal court. While generally and in reality, the Lord's court was the place that held real power, the place that "made decisions" to govern the country, it is also important to know that during those two hundred years, there were constant and persistent conflicts and power struggles between the Trinh Lord's government and the Le royal court. The royal court was not simply a place that "submissively" accepted decisions issued by the Lord's court. The six ministries (or six departments) overshadowed the six departments, but in terms of regulations, the six ministries were not the final say. In terms of official ranks, the heads of the six ministries in the Lord's court all held lower official titles and ranks than the heads of the six ministries in the imperial court. However, it's understandable that they were considered to possess genuine administrative capabilities, and when employed, they wielded far more real power than many court officials with higher positions but less influence! It is precisely because of this reality that many researchers have considered the head of the court (Tham Tung) to be equivalent to the Prime Minister. In fact, many Tham Tung in the Lord's court, when "converted" to the imperial court, were only equivalent to a Minister, or even lower, merely a Tham Tri, meaning a permanent Minister or Deputy Minister. The Boi Tung, the deputy of Tham Tung, was naturally at least one rank lower. Before Nguyen Nghiem retired, his official position was Minister of the Board of Revenue, Grand Tutor, Tham Tung, granted the title of Left General of the Imperial Guard, and the title of Xuan Quan Cong.
For nearly 30 years, Nguyen Nghiem was a "family member," a trusted confidant of the Lord's court. This deep bond was further strengthened by the childhood friendship between Trinh Sam and Nguyen Khan, Nguyen Nghiem's eldest son and Nguyen Du's elder brother. Nguyen Khan was a friend of Lord Trinh Sam (a friendship that left behind beautiful anecdotes!), the tutor of Crown Prince Trinh Khai (also known as Trinh Tong), and in the 18th century, he and his father held some of the most important positions in the Trinh Lord's court. It was thanks to this "close" relationship with the Lord's court that, although he was one of the masterminds of the coup d'état in the year of Canh Ty (1780), while other accomplices were sentenced to death, Nguyen Khan was almost acquitted by Trinh Sam, only receiving a minor demotion. Then, when the rebellious soldiers revolted, killing District Chief Huy, deposing Trinh Can, and installing Trinh Khai as Lord, Nguyen Khan was promoted, reaching the rank of Tham Tung in 1783. During this period, the rebellion of the rebellious soldiers truly destroyed the Trinh dynasty's power base, not the Tay Son army. Due to the inability to control this group, Nguyen Khan's residence was also completely destroyed by the rebellious soldiers.
Nguyen Hue, the elder brother of Nguyen Nghiem, and uncle of Nguyen Khan and Nguyen Du, passed the doctoral examination a few years after his younger brother, but died of illness before he could take up an official position. It is certain that thanks to the "prestige" of his brother and nephew, he was later posthumously honored by the court as a benevolent deity. Nguyen Nghiem's three wives bore more than ten sons, some of whom were fiercely loyal to the lord's court, some devoted to the Le dynasty, but others had already joined the Tay Son forces as early as the time of Nguyen Huu Chinh and Vu Van Nham leading their troops north, not waiting until Nguyen Hue launched his great campaign against the invading Qing army and officially abolished the court of the last Le king – Le Chieu Thong – who, in the eyes of the people at that time, had officially become a traitor who brought disaster upon his ancestors! Nguyen Ne, Nguyen Du's half-brother, within just a few years, became the Grand Academician of the Tay Son dynasty, holding a third-rank official position. It should also be added that this same man later "quickly" followed Gia Long, and was favored and trusted by Gia Long, but was suspected and opposed by the king's old courtiers, thus meeting an unhappy end, almost being forced to commit suicide upon returning to his hometown in Nghi Xuan.
Reviewing the relationship between the members of the Nguyen Tien Dien clan and the most important political forces of the time, it is easy to see that from the perspective of clan culture, there was no reason compelling Nguyen Du to steadfastly maintain loyalty to the Le dynasty. Tracing further back to the clan's origins in Canh Hoach, it is easy to see that the Nguyen clan in Canh Hoach also did not choose to worship and be loyal to only one ruler or ruling clan, even if that clan held the highest position of power. Nguyen Du himself had no deep ties to the powerful clans that held the fate of the nation; there was no obvious reason to be absolutely loyal to the Le dynasty or even the Trinh clan.
Observing the behavior of other families recognized in the contemporary public consciousness as prominent clans or "prestigious families," a similar situation is easily observed. The Ngo Thi family in Ta Thanh Oai and the Phan Huy family in Thien Loc, who later migrated to Son Tay, seem to share many similarities with the Nguyen Tien Dien family in their approach to the prevailing circumstances.
Undoubtedly, "loyalty" is a crucial virtue, the highest quality that Confucianism—along with Legalism—has persistently demanded and imposed on generations of its followers for thousands of years. Derived from "filial piety," through the conception of "the state" as an extension but not qualitatively different from "the family," even "the world" is a similar projection. The formula for self-cultivation and conduct, progressing from "filial piety" to "loyalty," is affirmed as "close to serve the father, far from serve the ruler" (serving the father at close range, serving the emperor at a distance). This is the Confucian spirit of "unity of mind," according to which one can "know the affairs of the world without leaving the house." However, thousands of years of practical political and social life within the autocratic regime have continuously "raised problems"—problems of a difficult nature—when individuals deal with real-world situations. Generally speaking, the Confucian virtue of loyalty was only "instilled" and "passed down through generations"—becoming the loyalty of prominent clans, noble families, and prestigious clans to the ruling dynasties during the flourishing periods of great dynasties and powerful empires. To maintain and strengthen this virtue, the wise emperors of prosperous empires were compelled to "generously bestow favors," sharing the benefits of the national treasury with these noble families. "Distinguished clans," therefore, became an "indispensable" part of the glory of these flourishing autocratic regimes. This is why Emperor Lê Thánh Tông, in his poem...Minh LuongIn his famous work, he showcased that "indispensable" element:
"The ten brothers of the Trinh family are all noble and distinguished."
"The father and son are indebted to each other and bring honor."
(The ten brothers of the Trinh family all achieved high status)
Both father and son, Than, were showered with grace and glory.
But the history of autocratic societies often follows a seemingly cyclical pattern of "prosperity and decline, order and chaos alternating." Vietnamese folklore, therefore, has recorded and confirmed the situation: "Those who are rich last three generations, those who are poor last three generations!" Even the largest and most powerful families, those holding power and even those on the throne, frequently "look back" to find a place to retreat! Through a cycle of turmoil, ultimately, only one person can become the founding emperor, one family "gaining the empire," while other forces are forced to accept a subordinate status. In the luckiest cases, the ruling family may only retain the ancestral tombs.
Following the death of Le Hien Tong (1504), it can be said that Vietnamese society began the first vortexes of the "chaotic era" cycle. From a family perspective, observers of Vietnamese history have recognized the increasingly complex nature of the relationships between major clans and different branches within the ruling family. A picture of numerous "temporary alliances" between the branches of power can be envisioned. Unfortunately, historians have revealed very little about this complex state of relations between major clans: Who would have guessed that the most important "advisor" to Nguyen Hoang for nearly half a century in the "south of the 16th parallel" was Mac Canh Huong, a member of the "genuine royal family" of the Mac clan, the clan that ruled the North and, nominally, the entire country! This man would later be enshrined in the ancestral temple by the descendants of the Nguyen lords and even the Nguyen kings. During the civil war between the Mac dynasty and the Le-Trinh group, several prominent families frequently changed their allegiance locations: just mention names like Le Ba Dao, Le Ba Ly, and the descendants of the scholar Nguyen Thien, with Nguyen Quyen being a prime example. This "wavering" or "disloyalty," if we can call it that, wasn't limited to the "noble families"; it was evident at the very top of power: for a long period, after failing to secure military power from his younger brother, Trinh Coi, the eldest son of Trinh Kiem, fled with his mother and family to the Mac dynasty. This branch of the Trinh family had many members who accepted official positions in the Mac dynasty, and some even "sacrificed their lives" for the Mac. The "exchange of relatives," including the return of the remains, between the Mac dynasty and the Trinh Coi branch on one side and the Le-Trinh group, represented by Trinh Tung on the other, took place quite smoothly, even somewhat movingly and emotionally. This event has multifaceted significance, revealing to us the true nature of the relationship between powerful forces and aristocratic families in historical reality.
During turbulent times, with powerful clans, observers easily recognize the presence of representatives from such clans within any "promising" power group or conglomerate. This reality has persisted throughout history, right up to the modern era. Viewing history from a rigid political standpoint will certainly fail to explain the "hidden circumstances" and the convoluted intricacies of reality.
The Nguyen Tien Dien family seems to regard Nguyen Du as having the status of a "post-ancestor," maintaining a separate place of worship for him. This attitude is evident, at least in the consciousness of his nephew, Nguyen Hanh, who is only a few years younger than him. The reason for such respect for Nguyen Du among the family members was explained by Nguyen Hanh himself: "The abundant blessings of our family, you have skillfully returned them!" Leaving aside his status as a literary author, and without discussing Nguyen Du's position in the history of national literature, Nguyen Du truly "returned" the "prestigious and noble family" status to the Nguyen Tien Dien family when history turned a new page and the "new dynasty" adopted a policy of employing new people. The place of worship for Nguyen Du, to this day, still retains the inlaid porcelain couplet, traditionally attributed to Emperor Minh Mang himself.
"A man of unparalleled talent, whether as an envoy or a minister, his life is not without flaws."
"A hundred years of achievement, honor at home and in the country."
In Nguyen Du's time, it wasn't difficult to find families whose members belonged to different political factions, each serving their own master. Apparently, this didn't prevent them, as family members, from remaining closely bonded, respecting, and loving one another. Such was the way things were in times of turmoil. Surely, that was the profound meaning, the "reasoning" that Ngo Thoi Nham used to answer Dang Tran Thuong at the Temple of Literature: "In the Warring States period, in the Spring and Autumn period, when faced with circumstances, one must adapt to them!".
2. Was Nguyen Du forced into officialdom, and did he hold only humble positions throughout his life? Was Nguyen Du resentful of his status in the officialdom?
When interpreting the gloomy and somber aspects of Nguyen Du's works, and the pessimistic outlook on life, many researchers have traced the origins to the oppression and envy he faced in his official career. Let's review his career path—which, in the traditional sense, encompassed both academic achievements and officialdom—to see if Nguyen Du truly experienced such a situation.
In the history of the traditional Confucian intellectual class in Vietnam, perhaps beginning during the Le Dynasty's restoration period, there was a distinction and elevation of different values for the status of scholars. The clearest sign of this distinction was the different honors given to those who achieved academic distinction and those considered "renowned scholars." Everyone knows that those who achieved academic distinction were those who passed examinations organized by the state, from the provincial level upwards. Those who passed the examinations organized by the imperial court were called "great scholars," those who passed the provincial examinations were called "sinh do" (later called "Tu tai" during the Nguyen Dynasty), and those who passed officially were called "Huong cong" (later called "Cu nhan" during the Nguyen Dynasty). Due to continuous warfare and political upheaval, from 1786 until the fourth year of Minh Mang's reign (1823), no great scholarly examinations were held in Vietnam. According to some sources, Nguyen Du only participated in one provincial examination at the Son Nam Ha examination center and passed three stages, equivalent to a student, but without the title of "sinh do" (i.e., the later "Tu Tai" title). I have doubts about this source for several reasons:
a) Candidates taking the exam at this level usually had to register their application based on their place of origin or birthplace. At that time, Nguyen Du was staying with Doan Nguyen Thuc (who later became his father-in-law), or more accurately, he was being "supported and educated" by Doan Nguyen Tuan. To take the exam at this school, Nguyen Du needed at least a "household registration" in Son Nam Ha.
b) According to the education system of the time, the sons of high-ranking officials (from the third rank upwards) could assess their own academic abilities and decide whether or not to participate in the provincial examination. Of course, if they did not participate in the provincial examination, they could not have any academic achievements! There are no official documents recording that Nguyen Du was ever (or was forced to?) called a student (or a scholar)! But because he was the son of a high-ranking official, he was once called "young master" (Chieu Bay). It can be concluded, without much distance from the truth, that Nguyen Du did not have any academic achievements.
But by his early twenties, Nguyen Du was already renowned as a scholar. Some documents assert that his literary fame was so great that contemporary scholars ranked him among the Five Great Writers of An Nam (one of the five most outstanding writers in Vietnam).Notablenot oneidentificationWithout official "approval," meaning it was a title "by word of mouth," unofficial, and naturally not accompanied by any formal rewards from the court or government at any level. However, this public acclaim certainly had a "practical effect," if not greater, then at least equal to the academic honors bestowed by the court! Decades later, upon receiving the sad news of his uncle's death, the first thing Nguyen Hanh recalled about his uncle was this very honor:
"Nineteen years ago, To Nhu died"
"A genius of his generation, now gone!"
(Nineteen years ago, To Nhu died)
The greatest talent of all time, and now it's all over!(1)
During the late Le Dynasty, Nguyen Du only "entered officialdom" for a very short time, inheriting the position of his foster father, the Ha family, holding a minor military rank as the Chief Banner Keeper of the Hung Hau Army in Thai Nguyen in 1783, and then not being seen holding any other responsibilities. In the eyes of the new dynasty, that position was not enough to consider Nguyen Du an official of the old dynasty! Although Nguyen Dynasty historical records state that he was summoned by Gia Long and reluctantly went, or the Nguyen Tien Dien family genealogy records that he voluntarily "welcomed the Emperor" and was appointed as a district magistrate and then a prefect, in our opinion, the reason Gia Long and his advisors in Bac Thanh approved Nguyen Du's appointment to officialdom at the age of thirty-six or thirty-seven was his fame as a renowned scholar!
Nguyễn Du began his official career in the New Dynasty as a District Magistrate (Phù Dung District, Khoái Châu Prefecture, Sơn Nam Province). For someone without a scholarly background, not a seasoned veteran with no prior achievements, and without any high-ranking official of the Nguyễn Dynasty vouching for him, this position was neither insignificant nor low. It's important to note that the District Magistrate was a senior official, holding a sixth-rank position (according to custom), a typical "official" position for newly appointed Doctors of Philosophy! Just a few months later, before his position as District Magistrate was even warm, Nguyễn Du was promoted to Prefect (Thường Tín Prefecture). A few years after that, he quickly gained trust, being sent to the Southern Pass to receive the Chinese envoy who came to confer the title of Emperor, and then returning to the capital to take up a position as a scholar. Some "incident" led Nguyễn Du to resign and retire to his hometown for nearly eight months, but he was later recalled and promoted to the position of Chief Clerk of Quảng Bình Province (Chief Clerk was a fourth-rank position, Deputy Provincial Governor). From this point onward, Nguyen Du's career path was "only forward, not backward," unlike the careers of the vast majority of other officials, and even more favorable and easier than that of Gia Long's meritorious and former officials who had served the king since his time as a "potential emperor"!
The turning point in Nguyen Du's career was undoubtedly marked by his "dialogue-confrontation" with the king himself, an event recorded in official history.
"Du was a man from Nghe An, well-educated and skilled in poetry, and even more so in the national language. However, he was timid and fearful whenever he appeared before the king, rarely speaking. The king once advised him: 'The state employs only those with talent, without distinguishing between North and South. You and Ngo Vi have been recognized and appointed to the position of Vice-Minister, so you should speak your mind, offer suggestions, correct shortcomings, and do your best. Why are you so timid and fearful, only knowing how to nod in agreement?'"Dai Nam Chinh Bien Liet TruyenIn the section about Nguyen Du, the historian's writings reveal other information: "Du was arrogant and conceited, yet outwardly appeared respectful; whenever he went to see an audience, he was so frightened that he could not speak." The biographies also indicate that in the early period of his official career with the Nguyen dynasty, "when summoned and unable to refuse, he often submitted to his superiors, feeling resentful and frustrated."
Nguyen De (Ne), Nguyen Du's half-brother, passed the provincial examination in the capital with the highest score while Nguyen Du was wandering in Son Nam. He entered the court earlier and more frequently than his brother, and by the late 1790s, he was already a Grand Academician of the Tay Son dynasty, at a time when Nguyen Du was "searching for the meaning of life." He also revealed rare information about Nguyen Du's personality, ambitions, and character through his poignant poems.
"Where does To Nhu reside?"
Who can bear being a wanderer?
Tang Huu Lang Van Chi
"He has no worldly connections."
Did Nguyen Du ever have the ambition to "soar to the clouds"? Surely this wasn't a flattering but biased compliment from an older brother to his younger sibling? Nguyen Ne must have recognized in his younger brother some extraordinary, unique, and superior qualities, hence the use of the term "soaring to the clouds" (almost synonymous with "reaching the heavens," but with a more refined connotation). However, in the extremely chaotic context of the late 18th century, Nguyen Ne seemed both regretful and disappointed in his younger brother, so he quickly concluded: "It turns out you haven't engaged in worldly affairs," which is why you haven't/haven't found a place to settle down. What does it mean to not engage in worldly affairs? It means experiencing many ups and downs without learning any "hard lessons," not becoming "wiser." "Engaging in worldly affairs" refers to someone experienced and worldly, someone who has successfully "protected themselves" and "achieved success" after significant experiences and events. Nguyen Ne once appeared more successful than his younger brother, seemingly more pragmatic, as the old-fashioned way of judging people, "Only those who are pragmatic are true heroes!" But in the end, Nguyen Ne was persecuted, and after several successful "switches of allegiance," having even served as a lifeline for his family during the Tay Son dynasty, he was betrayed and persecuted by a local official in his hometown, leading to his untimely death. Looking at Nguyen Du's conduct and the ultimate outcome of his career, it is certain that Nguyen Du was more "worldly" astute than his older brother.
Officialdom has always been fraught with pitfalls, and in times of turmoil and political instability, the dangers are even greater. In the vast majority of cases, as Nguyen Trai put it, being an official means "following the crowd," or as Phan Chau Trinh later put it, "acting like a puppet to amuse people." That's why many "renowned scholars" quickly chose to withdraw from public life—to put it more elegantly, to avoid "profit and fame," to "hide their beauty and avoid worldly affairs"—but to put it more honestly and accurately, to save their lives, a wise and self-preserving attitude. Tao Qian, wanting to "bend his back for three bushels of rice," abandoned his position as county magistrate, hung up his official robes and hat, and returned to his garden to "cultivate for himself and dig for his own food." A man who, from a very young age, harbored a burning desire to govern and serve the people, and throughout his life always acted according to the principles of a Southern sage like Nguyen Trai, yet he bitterly exclaimed, "The world's words are sharper than spears / The human heart is more cunning than the winding mountains and rivers"; "Outwardly, everything is interconnected / But the human heart is extremely treacherous," and he experienced many instances of "public slander," "Looking at the bright sun and thinking of learning, the phoenix shines / Far away, the harm is ultimately avoided by the crimson red," and finally, he suffered the most terrible tragedy after a career full of ups and downs and twists and turns. The history of officialdom under an autocratic regime witnessed countless missteps and "missteps" of many "great masters," hence the lament, "One misstep leads to a thousand lifetimes of regret" (Nhất thất túc thành thiên cổ hận). Even for suspicious and shrewd rulers like Gia Long and Minh Mạng, the fact that Nguyễn Du had such a straight, one-way career path is something to be admired! This shows that the act of "keeping quiet and accepting bribes" is not simply a matter of human cleverness or folk wisdom. The best place to apply this philosophy is in the political arena!
But Nguyen Du's official position was not insignificant. As early as 1813, when he was appointed Chief Envoy for the first time, Nguyen Du was granted the title of Can Chanh Dien Hoc Si (Scholar of the Can Chanh Palace). After completing his mission, he officially held this title until his death. As is known, the Nguyen dynasty did not establish a Prime Minister; the four top ministers were the four Grand Scholars (the Four Pillars), heading the four palaces: Can Chanh Dien, Van Minh Dien, Vo Hien Dien, and Dong Cac Dien, all holding the rank of First Grade, with Can Chanh Dien being the most important, as it was where the king worked daily. Working in Can Chanh Dien meant working daily with the king, assisting him in governing the country in practice. Nguyen Du also held another position, which he assumed after returning from his diplomatic mission: Right Deputy Minister of Rites. Deputy Minister was a position below the Minister, with a rank of Second Grade, above the Left and Right Vice Ministers, Third Grade. This position held by Nguyen Du is the most well-known, even official historical records mention this title upon his death. In terms of administration, the six ministries held the highest positions (second-rank). Each ministry had only two deputy ministers, meaning Nguyen Du was at least among the 18 most powerful officials in the court. Furthermore, the ministries had distinct positions, with the Ministry of Rites always considered the highest-ranking under any autocratic regime. Nguyen Du was truly skillful in his official duties, so that upon his death, the king personally paid his respects, bestowed generous funeral gifts and a large sum of money, and his name was recorded in the annals.Dai Nam Chinh Bien Liet TruyenAccording to ancient historical conventions, this place was reserved only for high-ranking officials with great achievements! It can be said that there is absolutely no evidence to support a prejudice that seems to be the result of speculation: Nguyen Du was not specifically targeted by anyone during his 18 years as an official under the Nguyen dynasty, and the word used by his grandson Nguyen Hanh, "cunning and manipulative," is perfectly apt and accurate for him!
3. Nguyen Du and his spiritual and religious convictions
As a Confucian scholar, did Nguyen Du have religious or spiritual convictions? This question is not unreasonable, and a thorough answer is not easy, yet it is of great importance to understanding and interpreting many of his works.
Confucianism is not an atheist doctrine; on the contrary, it has a relatively distinct religious aspect. Both Confucius and Mencius, as well as other Confucian sages, believed in Heaven, Destiny, and the influence of mysterious supernatural forces (divine beings). The main content of Confucianism is primarily a moral doctrine, envisioning principles and laws governing the world that are also imbued with moral values. "Heaven" in the discourse of Confucian sages is a moral Heaven, "most just, most righteous, most good, most enlightened," "only supporting those with virtue." However, in the order of the "ultimate decision-making" process, Confucianism also reserves a certain place for "human power," for human striving and self-cultivation. In the Confucian worldview, man is one of the Three Powers, capable of "coexisting with Heaven and Earth," meaning a force, a parameter that "cannot be ignored," capable of participating in the "nurturing" of Heaven and Earth. However, from a very early stage, the "metamorphic" aspect of Confucianism was presented vaguely in its fundamental classics, because Confucius himself advocated "If one cannot deal with humans, how can one deal with ghosts?", "If one does not know life, how can one know death?", and did not want to discuss phenomena such as "monsters, forces, chaos, and spirits." Therefore, when interacting with other philosophical doctrines and systems that contained many concepts, categories, and philosophical ideas, such as the doctrines of Lao Tzu and Zhuangzi, Buddhism, or later, Western ideologies, Confucianists, especially those with philosophical thinking, were often attracted to and influenced. In reality, the philosophical and even religious aspects of Confucianism were a mixture of concepts, ideas, and arguments mostly borrowed and "re-made" from other doctrines.
In Vietnam, very few Confucian scholars could be called true Confucian philosophers. Instead, the vast majority were "born moralists," "walking volumes of ethics."
For Confucian artists, especially great artists, understanding the extent to which spiritual and religious convictions influence them is an extremely important but also very difficult task.
_____
(1)Incidentally, perhaps a question needs to be raised: In the work...Nguyen Du: Author and WorksThe Vietnam Education Publishing House, in multiple editions, included in the Chronology section of Nguyen Du's biography a detail: that in the year Dinh Mao (1807), Nguyen Du was appointed as an examiner for the provincial examination in Hai Duong. Normally, someone without a scholarly title could not be an examiner for an examination. It should be noted that during the late Le and early Nguyen dynasties, there was another Nguyen Du in Northern Vietnam ( ) born in 1754, who passed the doctoral examination, from Vien Ngoai commune, Chuong Duc district, now Ung Hoa, Hanoi. In 1785, he passed the Hoang Giap examination and served as an official under the late Le and Tay Son dynasties. Later, during the early Nguyen dynasty, he was recommended by Dang Tran Thuong and appointed by Gia Long to the position of Head of Education in Bac Thanh. Perhaps the compilers mistook Nguyen Du for this other person?
Author:Prof. Dr. Tran Ngoc Vuong
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